In Pakistan’s Heated Political Climate, Peoples Party Draws Red Line on Division of Provinces

By
Kiran Asim
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In Pakistan’s latest political flashpoint, the Pakistan Peoples Party has drawn a firm boundary against any move to carve up Sindh province, even as calls grow for smaller administrative units across the country.

The debate, reignited by Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi’s repeated public statements, has exposed sharp differences among the country’s major parties and raised questions about the role of the powerful military establishment and the opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf.

 

PPP Digs In on Sindh’s Unity

President Asif Ali Zardari, who leads the Pakistan Peoples Party, and his party’s Sindh leadership have made clear they will not accept any division of the province.

Last week, the PPP-controlled Sindh Assembly passed a resolution rejecting proposals to alter Sindh’s territorial limits or create new provinces or administrative units from its territory. Chief Minister Syed Murad Ali Shah declared there would be “no compromise on Sindh’s geographical unity.”

Party leaders, including Sindh President Nisar Ahmed Khuhro, have accused federal ministers of interfering in provincial affairs and warned that continued talk of new units could be seen as a conspiracy against Sindh’s autonomy and the 18th Amendment.

For many in Sindh, including nationalist groups, the PPP is viewed as the primary political defender of the province’s identity and interests—sometimes described in local political discourse as a “mother” party that has long dominated the region’s politics.

The party has historically backed a South Punjab province in principle but insists any change must follow the Constitution’s strict requirements: a two-thirds majority in the relevant provincial assembly plus federal approval.

Zardari, who held meetings in London amid the controversy, has been reported as cautious about immediate changes in Sindh and Balochistan while more open to starting in areas where assemblies have previously passed related resolutions.

 

 

PML-N Sends Mixed Signals

The ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz has offered no unified public stance, creating an impression of mixed signals. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, a central figure in the party, has remained largely quiet on the issue.

Opposition parties, including the PPP and PTI, have publicly questioned his silence on a matter with major constitutional implications.

Punjab Chief Minister Maryam Nawaz has previously ruled out dividing Punjab, stating that those advocating its split “cannot be considered friends” and that the province should remain one.

Among other PML-N leaders, Defense Minister Khawaja Asif has been the most outspoken. He described devolution of power as “inevitable,” accused the PPP of a “two-faced” policy for supporting a Saraiki province in Punjab while resisting broader restructuring, and suggested using Pakistan’s existing 36 divisions or another administrative scheme.

Planning Minister Ahsan Iqbal has floated the idea of 12 to 15 provinces and called for a national debate and political consensus. Senior figures such as Rana Sanaullah have said the government has no formal plan for new provinces and that top leadership has not deeply discussed the matter recently. Party meetings have been held, but no clear collective endorsement has emerged, reflecting the constraints of the coalition with the PPP and internal dynamics in Punjab.

 

Interior Minister’s Push and the Establishment Factor

Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi has been the most consistent and forceful voice for change. In late July 2026 at the Pakistan Economic Summit, he declared that the existing governance system had “collapsed” and urged all parties to settle the question of new administrative units or provinces.

He doubled down on his stance, saying new units “will eventually have to be created” because Pakistan’s growing population can no longer be managed under the current structure, and that “no one can stop it.”

The interior minister stressed that the decision must rest with the people rather than any individual, party, or government, and vowed he would not back down even if he left office. Naqvi has also floated provincial status for Islamabad and insisted any process must stay within the Constitution and political consensus.

Naqvi is widely regarded as close to Pakistan’s military establishment. His repeated emphasis on a “system reset” and administrative restructuring has led many observers to conclude that powerful institutions favor smaller units for improved governance, service delivery, and management of a large population.

Military spokespersons have separately called for political parties to consider an administrative reset linked to national security and modern demands, while stressing constitutional avenues.

 

The PTI Question

This leaves a key open question: the role of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, widely regarded as the country’s largest and most popular party by many measures of public support. Its founder and former prime minister, Imran Ahmed Khan Niazi, remains in jail on multiple cases that the party and its supporters describe as fabricated and politically motivated.

PTI is actively preparing for a major protest planned for September 27, 2026, described by leaders as a peaceful long march or power show in Islamabad demanding Khan’s release, justice, and constitutional rights. Chairman Barrister Gohar Ali Khan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Chief Minister Sohail Afridi have emphasized non-violence and broad mobilization.

On the new provinces issue itself, PTI has generally supported the idea in principle, particularly a South Punjab province, provided it follows constitutional processes and broad consensus.

Chairman Gohar has said new provinces are necessary but require a two-thirds majority in the relevant assemblies. Party spokespeople have questioned the current government’s moral legitimacy to enact major structural changes, arguing the legislature lacks a full public mandate.

A few days ago, reports circulated that a figure from PTI’s top leadership claimed the party had supported the 26th and 27th constitutional amendments behind the scenes.

Publicly, however, PTI leaders have strongly criticized those amendments as attacks on judicial independence, provincial autonomy, and democratic principles, and have rejected supporting further major changes through what they call an illegitimate parliament.

Whether PTI will quietly facilitate or actively resist any move on new provinces remains unclear. The party’s September 27 protest focuses primarily on Khan’s detention and broader political grievances, but the provinces debate could force it to clarify its position at a moment of high tension. Any decision will carry weight, given PTI’s street strength and claim to represent a large share of public opinion.

 

Broader Stakes

The debate touches core issues of federalism, provincial autonomy under the 18th Amendment, resource distribution, and effective governance in a country of more than 240 million people.

Proponents argue smaller units would bring administration closer to citizens and improve service delivery. Opponents, especially in Sindh, see threats to historical identity, political power, and the existing constitutional balance.

The PPP has drawn its line most clearly on Sindh. PML-N remains ambiguous. Naqvi and those aligned with institutional thinking continue to press the case. And PTI’s next moves—both on the streets in late September and in any parliamentary or behind-the-scenes negotiations—could determine whether the talk of new provinces remains rhetoric or becomes a concrete constitutional battle.

The outcome of such a legislative move in the Parliament will shape Pakistan’s political map for years to come.

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Kiran Asim is a writer who covers the U.S., Europe, South Asia, and the Middle East. Her reports and analyses look at the geostrategic issues and contemporary developments and their economic and political implications. She also writes about society and education.

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